أنقل لإخواني في هذا الموقع المبارك هذا المقال الذي وزع على الشبكة مع رجاء نشره ، واخترت موقعكم الكريم لكي ينشر فيه أيضا
أخوكم ممدوح حسن أبو العلا
نرجوا نشر هذا المقال بين الذين اهتموا بحملة الشهيد مسعد قطب حتى يعلموا أن جهودهم لم ولن تضيع هدرا في فضح النظام الدموي.
لكن تبقى أن يحال القتلة للمحاكمة وإن شاء هذا الأمر آت عاجلا أو آجلا
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نشرت مجلة الإيكونوميست مقالا يوم 4 ديسمبر بعنوان " بعد مبارك من القادم ؟"
After Mubarak, who's next?
وألمحت فيه لاستشهاد الأخ مسعد قطب
فقالت :
Mr Mubarak's interrupted speech was a case in point. Eloquence about political reform was belied by the vote-rigging that produced the very body he was addressing, and that has marked most Egyptian elections during his tenure. Mr Mubarak declared that “the scope of democratic practice has expanded widely,” but only days before, the government had blocked the creation of yet another would-be political party, its 61st such ban in 25 years. The president spoke of freedoms, yet last month, Saad Qutb, a 44-year-old accountant and lowly member of the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist group, became the latest Egyptian to be beaten to death while in police custody. His was the 34th such case documented by human-rights groups in the past three years.
والترجمة الألكترونية للكلام السابق مع بعض التعديل لصحة الصياغة:
خطاب السّيد مبارك " المقاطع - "الذي سقط فيه- كان مثال جيّد . فصاحة حول الإصلاح السياسي مع كذب بتزوير الأصوات الذي أنتج الجسم ذاته الذي كان يخطب، والذي أشّر أكثر الإنتخابات المصرية أثناء مدّة خدمته. السّيد مبارك أعلن توسيع مجال الممارسة الديمقراطية ,” لكن قبل ذلك بأيام، منعت الحكومة قيام حزب سياسي جديد آخر، وهذا هو المنع الحادي والستّون لإقامة أحزاب جديدة في 25 سنة. تكلّم الرئيس عن الحرّيات، رغم ذلك في الشهر الأخير، مسعد قطب، محاسب عمره 44 سنة وعضو عادي من الأخوان المسلمين، مجموعة إسلامية، أصبح آخر مصري يضرب حتى الموت في مقر للشرطة. هذه هي الحالة الرابعة والثلاثون - كما وثّقتها جماعات حقوق الانسان - في السنوات الثلاث الماضية.
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المقال كاملا :
Egypt's presidency
After Mubarak, who's next?
Dec 4th 2003 | CAIRO
From The Economist print edition
The troubling uncertainty of Egypt's succession
HALFWAY through a speech to parliament last month, Hosni Mubarak, Egypt's president, turned pale and mopped his brow. He was hustled into an anteroom, from which he re-emerged 50 minutes later, smiling. Aides explained that he was suffering from flu, but the incident—Mr Mubarak's first public sign of frailty in 22 years at the top—has prompted open talk about hitherto-whispered questions. Who will succeed the 75 year-old president, and how will he be chosen?
The 1971 constitution states that if the president dies, the speaker of parliament should take the helm temporarily, until the legislature chooses a replacement by a two-thirds majority, who is then confirmed by popular referendum. Mr Mubarak was vice-president when parliament promoted him after the assassination of Anwar Sadat in 1981, and Mr Sadat had held the same post when he succeeded Gamal Abdel Nasser 11 years earlier. All three were former army officers.
Mr Mubarak, however, has never named a vice-president, nor even hinted at the possible identity of one. Coyly and repeatedly, he has said that it was hard to find anyone suitable. This reticence has fed speculation. Some believe the president has been waiting for the right moment to anoint his 40-year-old son, Gamal. The younger Mubarak has indeed gained a higher profile recently, advocating political and economic reforms from within the ruling National Democratic Party, but choosing him as vice-president would invite charges of betraying the republican ideals of Egypt's 1952 revolution.
Others say Mr Mubarak has kept his options open, avoiding the traditional route of appointing a deputy, in order to keep the peace within his inner circle. This tactic may have succeeded in checking the ambitions of powerful henchmen, but Egyptians complain of a growing sense of drift. With the region in turmoil, Egypt's own economy in a profound slump, and the gap between the government's promises and performance perceived to be yawning ever wider, their anxiety about the future is understandable.
Mr Mubarak's interrupted speech was a case in point. Eloquence about political reform was belied by the vote-rigging that produced the very body he was addressing, and that has marked most Egyptian elections during his tenure. Mr Mubarak declared that “the scope of democratic practice has expanded widely,” but only days before, the government had blocked the creation of yet another would-be political party, its 61st such ban in 25 years. The president spoke of freedoms, yet last month, Saad Qutb, a 44-year-old accountant and lowly member of the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist group, became the latest Egyptian to be beaten to death while in police custody. His was the 34th such case documented by human-rights groups in the past three years.
Public protest has been all but invisible. Few Egyptians are politically active. Inured to disjunctures between their government's words and actions, they have long tended to shrug and blame inept officials rather than poor leadership. But the traditionally complacent middle class may at last be losing its patience with erratic policymaking. For example, only this week did the government appoint a board to run the Central Bank, seven months after passing ambitious new banking rules, and at a time of creeping inflation, rising public debt and rampant black-market currency speculation. Another recent decree reinstated a sixth grade for elementary schools, reversing an earlier decision to abolish it that had panicked parents.
Signs of systemic decay now worry even the relatively pampered elite. Yahya al-Gamal, an outspoken expert in constitutional law, describes Egypt as being in a frightening state of negligence. “Not one institution—except perhaps part of the police—is doing its job properly,” he claimed in a recent interview. “Health, education, the legal system, our universities: none has conviction in its tasks, or in the country.”
Mr Gamal believes the only way to avert an explosion is to adopt radical political reforms. Many Egyptians consider such talk alarmist, and would be happy for Mr Mubarak simply to name a successor. But Mr Gamal's prescription is quietly supported by many others, including much of Cairo's commentariat and the half-dozen licensed but flimsy opposition parties: the 22-year-old emergency laws that restrict public life need to be abolished; political parties, the press and the judiciary should be allowed to function freely; and the constitution should be revised to allow for open and direct presidential elections, before Mr Mubarak's fourth six-year term expires in 2005.
ويمكنك ترجمته ألكترونيا في موقع مصراوي :
http://torgoman.masrawy.com
شارك في حملة محاكمة قلتة الشهيد مسعد قطب :
http://www.petitiononline.com/9112003/petition.html
الكاتب: ممدوح حسن أبو العلا
التاريخ: 01/01/2007
عدد القراء: 5290
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